Day: January 8, 2026

Look at this 1922 promotional graphic and tell me it does not make your blood curdle (which, btw, would possibly be the only way for you to survive a meeting with this guy). That it doesn’t send shivers down yer spine. Or won’t keep you awake tonight (just remember: do not – under any circumstances – think of vampires or rats under your bed🧛🐀).

The amusing part is the name of the artist who created it – featured in the bottom-right corner. Albin Grau (German for “grey”).

What’s even more interesting is that Nosferatu was his brainchild – it was Grau who approached Fritz Murnau with the idea for a film, and not the other way round. He also designed the whole Nosferatu universe for the production, including the ghoulish creature itself. Yet it’s Murnau whom we praise for the creating the classic, whilst Herr Grau is largely forgotten today. A true éminence grise.

— kreuzberged (@kreuzberged) Jan 8, 2026

𝗜𝘁 𝗪𝗮𝘀 𝗔𝗹𝘄𝗮𝘆𝘀 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗢𝗶𝗹, 𝗦𝘁𝘂𝗽𝗶𝗱

The United States and its partners, primarily the UK at this point, have quietly but decisively changed how they are approaching Russia’s war economy, and the shift is significant. For the first four years, sanctions were largely symbolic and porous, which allowed Russia to adapt, build shadow logistics, lean on third countries, and keep its industrial base supplied. That phase appears to be over, because the current approach is no longer about signaling or posture. It is about constriction.

The change is most visible in how the West is now treating Russia’s oil shadow fleet. Insurance, port access, flagging, ship management, and the financing behind those tankers are being targeted as a single system rather than as separate problems, and the intent is no longer to irritate Moscow or signal displeasure. It is to cut volume. That is a very different posture, and it shows the West has finally accepted that Russia’s war is sustained by cash flow, not by diplomacy.

This also brings China into the frame in a way that previous sanctions did not. Beijing has been central to Russia’s energy exports, both directly and through intermediaries, and the new enforcement posture treats those routes as part of the problem as well. That changes the risk calculus for Chinese firms and banks, because the exposure is no longer theoretical and the consequences are no longer avoidable.

For Ukraine, this will soon become a measurable advantage. Russia’s war effort is industrial and energy funded, so when you target the oil revenue stream you constrict the war itself. This is the first time the West is acting as if it truly understands that relationship, and the first time pressure is being applied where it actually matters.

It also puts the Trump–Putin dynamic in a different category. If the West is now structurally committed to choking Russia’s oil revenue and collapsing the shadow fleet that enables it, then any attempt to politically rehabilitate Putin or normalize the relationship becomes strategically sidelined. You cannot run economic warfare and personal or transactional diplomacy at the same time, and you cannot pretend those two tracks are compatible.

One can speculate about the tipping point for US policy, but there is no doubt it has occurred. The shift is real and it is consequential. For those of us who have argued for years that “it is the oil, stupid”, and not the speeches, broken promises or transactional shuttle diplomacy that matters, the only question left is timing. We can only hope this comes early enough to matter and that it persists.

#RealOSINT  #OSINT

“We step on the third rail so you don’t have to.” – OSINT Intuit™

— OSINT Intuit™ (@UKikaski) Jan 8, 2026